by
M.
Richard Maxson
Last
week Attorney General Barr testified before Congress. He answered the
questions with legal expertise as members of this partisan committee
spewed their hatred for the
administration and
he suffered through hours their manipulative
demagoguery
which
is not
based on reason, issues, and doing the right thing, no,
they still have only one purpose and that is to
stir up fear and hatred to control people’s
opinions to bring down this President.
They
want the full Mueller report - damn the law! They
are issuing partisan
subpoenas
and they will get to the bottom of whatever fantasy they can to
interfere with this administration’s agenda. It is what they have
been doing since election day, but now the executive branch has now
said - enough.
Enough!
The Attorney
General has
had enough of this political theater and so has the President. Now
that the phony Russian hoax has been defused THIS Attorney
General can
now begin to investigate the REAL criminals behind what
is really going on
and the Leftist elite are starting to panic. The
Democratic party is now screaming from the mountain tops –
Constitutional Crisis!
Oh
my, we are going to have to look at the facts. Something most of
these politicians would rather not do. The Constitution and the Rule
of Law are a good place to start. First of all, there
is no express provision in the Constitution giving Congress the power
to investigate, issue subpoenas or question cabinet officials but it
began to do so not long after the birth of the Republic. The Supreme
Court upheld the practice in 1821, reasoning that without it,
Congress “would be exposed to every indignity and interruption that
rudeness, caprice or even conspiracy may mediate against it.” The
ruling gave Congress the right to imprison uncooperative witnesses
for contempt, but for no longer than the duration of the Congress
that passed the citation. Any
charges or court case that dragged on past the expiration of the term
of that Congress would be void.
Until
the middle of the 19th
century, Congress would enforce contempt citations itself, with the
sergeants-at-arms taking guilty parties into custody. But the
limitations of the 1821 court ruling led lawmakers to turn over the
responsibility for prosecuting these citations to the executive
branch. From 1857 on, a U.S. attorney was asked to certify contempt
citations and bring them before a federal judge.
A
number of obstacles face this partisan committee in any attempt to
enforce a subpoena issued against an executive branch official.
Although the courts have reaffirmed Congress’s constitutional
authority to issue and enforce subpoenas, efforts to punish an
executive branch official for non-compliance with a subpoena through
criminal contempt will likely prove unavailing in many, if not most,
circumstances. Where the official refuses to disclose information
pursuant to the President’s decision that such information is
protected under executive privilege, past practice suggests that the
Department of Justice will not pursue a prosecution for criminal
contempt. (See; Eric Holder/Obama)
The
committee has three options. The committee could refer it to the U.S.
attorney for criminal prosecution of contempt. Congress would
normally need the Justice Department's help to pursue any of those
options, how would that work out in this particular case when the guy
that they're trying to hold in contempt runs the Justice Department?
If the committee voted a contempt resolution and the U.S. Attorney
concluded prosecution was not appropriate, the prosecutor could
present the case to the grand jury — but urge them not to indict.
If the grand jury voted to indict anyway, the prosecutor could refuse
to sign the indictment, rendering it invalid. And even if the case
were indicted, the prosecutor could move to dismiss it. The idea that Congress could remove
discretion from the hands of the prosecutor and essentially mandate
an indictment and prosecution makes little sense, either practically
or constitutionally. Congress is free to send its contempt citations
to the Executive, but has no real recourse if the U.S. Attorney
decides that prosecution is not appropriate. At least when it comes
to disputes with senior Executive branch officials, for Congress to
hold a witness in contempt under Section 192 is usually more an act
of politics than a serious attempt to result in criminal charges.
They
could use another process called inherent contempt where they use the
sergeant of arms to literally go out and arrest the attorney general
and put him in the House jail, (there is not really a jail) which is
a very unlikely option. Congress has successfully used the courts to
imprison people for contempt. But its power to compel government
officials is limited. . As one committee member stated, “They have
a lot of guns over at Justice.”
The
more likely option is that the House would direct counsel to go to
court and try to enforce the subpoena civilly. However, relying on
this mechanism to enforce a subpoena directed at an executive
official may prove an inadequate means of protecting congressional
prerogatives due to the time
required to achieve a final, enforceable ruling in the case. In a
2017 study of the contempt power, legislative attorney Todd Garvey of
the Congressional Research Service wrote, "Efforts to punish an
executive branch official for non-compliance with a subpoena will
likely prove unavailing in many, if not most, circumstances."
Suing government officials in civil court may also prove inadequate
"due to the time
required
to achieve a final, enforceable ruling in the case," he said. Although
subject to practical limitations, Congress retains the ability to
exercise its own constitutionally based authorities to enforce a
subpoena through inherent contempt.
The
framers provided no remedy for a struggle between Congress and the
president over congressional subpoenas — because they didn’t
specify either the right of investigation or executive privilege in
the document. In this conflict between constitutional powers, there’s
no express constitutional answer. The
upshot is that you can expect stalemate. Congress can keep harassing
and embarrassing the president. The president can keep resisting.
Ultimately the check on both branches is public opinion — in the
form of the voters who will go to the polls in 2020 and perhaps
resolve the conflict by picking a winner. The truth is, when it comes
to the contempt statute there’s little Congress can do to enforce
it if the Executive branch declines to prosecute. Votes to hold
Executive branch officials in contempt have become largely about
political theater rather than actual criminal prosecutions.
The
Constitution’s system of checks and balances sets the various
branches against each other for the laudable purpose of constraining
tyranny. However, due to partisan polarization, individual
corruption, or any number of other reasons, sometimes the political
institutions in these arrangements fail, sending the governmental
system into a crisis. This “crisis” is completely manufactured by
the Democratic party and their elite bankrollers as a continuing
effort to obstruct this president and keep the real truth from the
American people.