by
M. Richard Maxson
In 1775 the
political climate in the British colonies in North America
was tense. While some colonists believed that the colonies deserved
independence, others were loyal to the British crown. British troops
were housed around the colonies, including Virginia, in order to keep
the peace; they were constantly on the move. Some of the men who
believed in independence for the colonies were gathering on March 20,
1775, in the Second Virginia Convention. They moved their location
from Williamsburg to Richmond so they could discuss their
plan—whether or not to coordinate Virginia to defense against the
British.
On
March 23, convinced that war with
Great Britain was inevitable, Patrick Henry drafted a series
of plans for Virginia to recruit militia and cavalry and presented
them to the Convention’s president. Although no one wrote
what he said at the time, the
impression that his speech left was so great that decades later some
of the men who attended could recite entire portions from memory. It
was a biographer who put together and published an approximation of
that fiery speech that Patrick Henry delivered that day. Among the
men in attendance the day Henry delivered his famous speech were
Thomas Jefferson and George Washington.
While
the specifics of most of the wording cannot be verified, many agree
that the final words of Henry’s speech were, “I know not what
course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me
death!” It is this final “liberty or death” phrase which
usually identifies the speech, although a similar phrase or idea has
been used in many other contexts. The speech inspired many of the men
to vote to support troops in Virginia, which added to the
coordinating colonial efforts for the American Revolution.
Give
Me Liberty or Give Me Death
by
Patrick Henry,1775
"Mr.
President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope.
We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth - and listen to
the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this
the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for
liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who having
eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly
concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of
spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the
worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one
lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience.
I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And
judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the
conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify
those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace
themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our
petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a
snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss.
Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports
with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our
land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled
that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive
ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation –
the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what
means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to
submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it?
Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for
all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none.
They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent
over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British
ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to
them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the
last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject?
Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is
capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and
humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been
already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves
longer.
Sir,
we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God
of nature has placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in
the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we
possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against
us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a
just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will
raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not
to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.
Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire
it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no
retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged. Their
clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable
and let it come!! I repeat it, sir, let it come!!!
It
is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, peace,
peace –but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next
gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of
resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we
here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is
life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of
chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! – I know not what
course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me
death.”
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